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Characteristics of Juvenile Sexual Offenders Sexual and physical abuse medicine 666 buy cheap retrovir 300mg line, child neglect medications narcolepsy discount retrovir 100 mg with mastercard, and exposure to medicine 031 cheap retrovir 300mg overnight delivery family/domestic violence are associated with juvenile sexual offending (Center for Sex Offender Management medications during pregnancy retrovir 300mg free shipping, 1999). Juvenile sexual offenders may be characterized as loners with few close friends (Thakur, as cited by Kushner, 64 2004). Likewise, an association between substance abuse and juvenile sexual offending has not been fully established (Center for Sex Offender Management). Table 1 Characteristics of Sexually Abusive Juveniles Perpetrators are typically adolescents, age 12 to 17. Research has provided several promising leads to understanding the juvenile sexual offender. A significant proportion have a prior arrest for a nonsexual offense and/or meet the criteria for a diagnosis of conduct disorder. In addition, juvenile sexual offenders may present with a diverse range of disordered behaviors, such as aggressive behavior, bullying, vandalism, fire setting, cruelty to animals, shoplifting and drug/alcohol abuse. Juvenile Female Sexual Offenders There are few studies that address juvenile female sexual offenders. Due to the difficulty in finding adequate samples of female participants, female sexual offending has been under-reported and under-represented in sexual offender literature (National Center on Sexual Behavior of Youth, 2004). For instance, reoffense rates for females and males cannot be compared because sexual and non-sexual reoffense rates for female sexual offenders are not known (National Center on Sexual Behavior of Youth). While these studies have limitations, they have been helpful in identifying implications for treating juvenile female sexual offenders. Female sexual offenders are usually more likely to have histories of maltreatment, with physical abuse being apparent in 20 percent of studied cases and sexual abuse, in 50 percent of studied cases (Mathews, Hunter & Vuz, 1997). Compared to those of juvenile males, the histories of the studied females reflected even more extensive and pervasive childhood maltreatment because many of these females were exposed to interpersonal aggression by both females and males (Mathews, Hunter & Vuz). Moreover, their histories revealed that they were victimized at younger ages and were more likely to have had multiple perpetrators (Mathews, Hunter & Vuz). In samples of prepubescent female sexual offenders, rates of sexual victimization tend to be extraordinarily high, with rates greater than 90 percent (Hunter, Becker & Lexier, 2006). Preliminary research has revealed that these females had very disruptive and tumultuous childhoods, with high levels of trauma and exposure to dysfunction. High levels of impulsive delinquent behaviors, including substance abuse and other high-risk behaviors, were also observed (Mathews, Hunter & Vuz). Female juvenile offenders typically do not abuse children unknown to them (Mathews, Hunter & Vuz). Many of the victims of female sexual offenders were molested frequently in the context of babysitting. There is little evidence to suggest that female juveniles, unlike female adults, sexually offend within the context of a relationship with male co-offenders (Hunter, Becker & Lexier, 2006). Studies are being conducted to ascertain effective assessment and treatment measures for female juvenile sexual offenders. Tools used to assess female juvenile sexual offenders are lacking because they were validated on male offenders and have not yet been empirically validated with a female population. Preliminary results indicate that treatment approaches should be used to address the early and repetitive developmental traumas experienced by these offenders. Comorbidity Juvenile sexual offenders may share some characteristics other than sexual offending, including: high rates of learning disabilities and academic dysfunction; the presence of other behavioral problems and conduct disorder; and difficulties with impulse control and judgment. Furthermore, juvenile sexual offenders may have also demonstrated characteristics of paraphilia, which is an intense, repeated sexual arousal to unconventional stimuli (PsychDirect, 2004). Offenders with paraphilia tendencies were also reported to have high rates of psychiatric disorders (Saleh & Vincent, 2004). Professional evaluation of juveniles and their appropriateness for placement should be conducted post-adjudication and prior to court sentencing. Clinical assessments should be comprehensive and include careful record reviews, clinical interviewing, and screening for cooccurring mental health disorders. It is essential that the community and other children are protected from potential harm, both physical and psychological. Treatments Funding problems and ethical issues have made it difficult to conduct controlled outcome studies on the treatment of juvenile sexual offenders.

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As noted in supra note 27 medicine 230 best 300mg retrovir, the statutory maximum sentence for possession offenses was ten years (for offenders who did not have a predicate conviction for a sex offense) in fiscal year 2010 medications zoloft 300mg retrovir. In late 2012 symptoms quitting tobacco retrovir 100mg with amex, Congress raised the statutory maximum to treatment gastritis discount retrovir 300 mg visa 20 years for offenders who possess images depicting prepubescent minors or minors under 12 years of age. Offenders without a predicate sex conviction would have been subject to a statutory mandatory minimum sentence of five years and a statutory maximum sentence of 15 years if convicted of an R/T/D offense. Such offenders with a predicate conviction for a sex offense would have faced a statutory mandatory minimum of 15 years and a statutory maximum sentence of 40 years. Emerging research indicates that child pornography offenders with clinical sexual disorders may respond favorably to psycho-sexual treatment, particularly if administered pursuant to the "containment model. Some experts believe most or even virtually all child pornography offenders are pedophiles, while other experts believe that most child pornography offenders are not pedophiles. Emerging research on the effectiveness of psycho-sexual treatment administered as part of the "containment model" is especially promising and warrants further study. The containment model is now widely considered to be a "best practice" to be implemented in supervising sex offenders, including federal child pornography offenders. Polygraph testing encourages offenders in treatment to be truthful, which can advance the goals of treatment. The Commission conducted a study of the rate of known recidivism by 610 federal offenders sentenced under the non-production guidelines during fiscal years 1999 and 2000. Current federal laws regarding victim notification and restitution present unique challenges for victims of federal non-production child pornography offenses. Such notifications can be emotionally traumatic because they serve to remind the victims that the images of their sexual abuse are indelible and increasingly widespread. Other district courts either have not required proximate cause or have found proximate cause and then attempted to calculate an appropriate restitution award. This division among federal courts has now extended to the appellate level where a split in the federal circuit courts has developed regarding the process of awarding restitution for child pornography victims. The Commission will continue to study sentencing practices in child pornography production cases, which in the past decade have shown both significant increases in average guideline minimums and average sentence lengths as well as significant decreases in the rate of sentences within the applicable guideline ranges. However, the average sentence lengths decreased slightly in fiscal year 2010 (to 267. Potential Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines As reflected in the report, the Commission believes that the following three categories of offender behavior encompass the primary factors that should be considered in imposing sentences in §2G2. As a result, penalty ranges are too severe for some offenders and too lenient for other offenders. The guideline thus should be revised to more fully account for these three factors and thereby provide for more proportionate punishments. Consistent with the position of the Department of Justice,83 the Commission believes that Congress should enact legislation providing the Commission with express authority to amend the current guideline provisions that were promulgated pursuant to specific congressional directives or legislation directly amending the guidelines. Public comment would be sought, a public hearing would be held, and the proposed revision would be submitted for congressional review prior to becoming effective, pursuant to 28 U. As shown in Appendix E of this report, which contains an analysis of the provenance of each section of the current version of §2G2. Potential amendments to the guideline would update specific offense characteristics in §2G2. While a comprehensive revision of the guideline addressing production offenses, §2G2. Potential Amendments to the Statutory Scheme the Commission also believes that Congress should amend the statutory scheme to align the penalties for receipt and possession offenses. Since possession was first criminalized by Congress in 1990, receipt has carried more severe statutory penalties. Currently, if they have no predicate convictions for sex offenses, offenders convicted of possession face a statutory range of punishment of zero to ten or 20 years (depending on the age and sexual maturity of the minors depicted in the child pornography), while offenders convicted of receipt face a mandatory minimum five-year term of imprisonment and a 20-year statutory maximum term. If they have predicate convictions for sex offenses, offenders convicted of possession face a statutory range of punishment of ten to 20 years, while offenders convicted of receipt face a mandatory minimum 15-year term of imprisonment and a 40-year statutory maximum term. Those reasons no longer apply with the same force because of changes in offense conduct and law enforcement methods to detect offenders on the Internet during the past two decades.

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Such powers include orders for stored computer data medicine park cabins generic retrovir 100 mg fast delivery, real time collection of computer data symptoms kidney stones retrovir 300mg mastercard, and expedited preservation of computer data treatment xyy generic retrovir 100mg otc. As the world moves towards universal internet access medicine park lodging discount retrovir 300mg mastercard, it may be that conceptions of cybercrime will need to operate on a number of levels: specific and detailed in the case of the definition of certain individual cybercrime acts, but sufficiently broad to ensure that investigative powers and international cooperation mechanisms can be applied, with effective safeguards, to the continued migration of offline crime to online variants. See, for example, Commonwealth of Independent States Agreement and Draft African Union Convention. It finds that cybercrime acts are broadly distributed across different cybercrime categories with victimization rates higher than conventional crime in many cases. While perpetrator profiles depend upon cybercrime act type, upwards of 80 per cent of cybercrime acts are estimated to originate in some form of organized activity. Data disaggregated by discrete cybercrime act offers a higher degree of consistency and comparability While police-recorded cybercrime statistics are valuable for national-level crime prevention and policy making, they are not generally suitable for cross-national comparisons in the area of cybercrime. Article 11 of the United Nations Guidelines for the Prevention of Crime1 states that crime prevention strategies, polices, programmes and actions should be based on a `broad, multidisciplinary foundation of knowledge about crime problems. Measurement of cybercrime can be used to inform crime reduction initiatives; to enhance local, national, regional and international responses; to identify gaps in responses; to provide intelligence and risk assessment; and to educate and inform the public. The second category, however, (computerrelated acts for personal or financial gain or harm) risks becoming extensive. As discussed, what would be the threshold for involvement of a computer system or data that warrants recording a crime as a cybercrime in this category? Approaches may differ in this respect, in particular as regards offences recorded by the police. The preferred approach is therefore likely to be one that provides data disaggregated by discrete cybercrime act ­ such as those detailed in the list of 14 acts provided in Chapter One (Connectivity and cybercrime). Such an approach offers a higher degree of consistency and comparability, and is in line with good practice in crime and criminal justice statistics in general. An understanding, for example, of organized criminal group structures and networks is central to the design of criminal justice interventions. An understanding of illicit markets ­ such as the black economy centred on stolen credit card details ­ provides details of the underlying incentives for criminal activity (irrespective of the individuals or groups involved), and thus entry points for prevention programming. An understanding of the extent of harms, losses and illicit financial gains provides guidance on the prioritization of interventions. Report of the National Institute of Statistics and Geography of Mexico on Crime Statistics. It finds that, at present, while police-recorded cybercrime statistics are valuable for national-level crime prevention and policy making, they are not generally suitable for cross-national comparisons in the area of cybercrime. In contrast, survey-based information and technology-based cybersecurity information is beginning to provide some insights into the nature and extent of the phenomenon. Victimization rates for online credit card fraud, identify theft, responding to a phishing attempt, and experiencing unauthorized access to an email account, vary between 1 and 17 per cent of the online population Individual cybercrime victimization rates are higher in countries with lower levels of development, highlighting a need to strengthen prevention efforts in these countries Private sector enterprises in Europe report victimization rates of between 2 and 16 per cent for acts such as data breach due to intrusion or phishing Criminal tools of choice for these crimes, such as botnets, have global reach. According to the perceptions of law enforcement institutions, financial-driven acts, such as computer-related fraud or forgery, make up around one third of acts across almost all regions of the world. Child pornography-related offences were identified more frequently in Europe and the Americas, than in Asia and Oceania or Africa ­ although this may relate to differences in law enforcement focus between regions, rather than underlying differences. The discussion on content-related acts below further examines some of these trends. Such actions are integral to a range of cybercrimes and it may be that differing capacities of countries to identify and to prosecute these (more technical) offences affects their perceived prevalence across regions. On the other hand, as discussed below, victimization surveys do suggest that there are differences in, for example, levels of 10 Study cybercrime questionnaire. These are not, however, always in the same direction as those perceived by law enforcement. The theme that the prevalence and threat of cybercrime varies according to who is asked is well exemplified Figure 2. Production, distribution or possession of computer misuse tools Illegal access, 6% Illegal access, interception or acquisition of computer interference or data 23% 8% Illegal access to a computer system damage are Source: Study cybercrime questionnaire (private sector). This reflects a primary concern of private sector organizations for the confidentiality, integrity and accessibility of their computer systems and data. Prevalence and impact of cybercrime acts Measurements of cybercrime act prevalence can be divided into general population (or consumer) victimization, and victimization of organizations ­ such as businesses, academic institutions, and others.

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Among adult participants in suburban drug courts medicine rash buy retrovir 100 mg line, the primary substances of abuse were alcohol (29% of respondents) medicine hat alberta canada generic 100mg retrovir free shipping, heroin or pharmaceutical opioids (34%) treatment 4 syphilis buy retrovir 100mg with visa, methamphetamine (21%) medications that cause tinnitus cheap retrovir 100 mg with visa, marijuana (8%), and other drugs (7%). Among adult participants in rural drug courts, the primary substances of abuse were alcohol (38% of respondents), heroin or pharmaceutical opioids (31%), methamphetamine (21%), and marijuana (10%). In urban juvenile drug courts, the primary substances of abuse were marijuana (54% of respondents), alcohol (33%), pharmaceutical opioids (4%), and other drugs (8%). Secondary and tertiary substances of abuse commonly included methamphetamine, heroin, cocaine, pharmaceutical opioids, pharmaceutical stimulants, and other drugs. In suburban juvenile drug courts, the primary substances of abuse were marijuana (69% of respondents), alcohol (25%), or other drugs (5%). Secondary and tertiary substances of abuse commonly included methamphetamine, cocaine, heroin, pharmaceutical sedatives, pharmaceutical stimulants, pharmaceutical opioids, and other drugs. Secondary and tertiary substances of abuse commonly included methamphetamine, heroin, pharmaceutical opioids, pharmaceutical sedatives, pharmaceutical stimulants, and other drugs. Snapshot of Other Problem-Solving Courts As of December 31, 2014, there were 1,311 problem-solving courts other than drug courts in the United States, representing a 10% increase over the previous five years. The most prevalent types of other problem-solving courts included mental health courts, truancy courts, and domestic violence courts. Combining drug courts and other types of problem-solving courts, there was a grand total of 4,368 problem-solving courts in the United States as of December 31, 2014. Adult mental health courts had increased by 104 programs (36% growth) in five years. Adult mental health courts were most likely to be expanded within the next three years, followed by reentry courts, juvenile mental health courts, and domestic violence courts. Drug-Free Babies in Drug Courts In the 21 jurisdictions that reported this information in 2014, at least 670 drug-free babies were born to female drug court participants while they were enrolled in the program. This figure does not include drug-free babies born after participants were discharged from drug court, fathered by male drug court participants, or born in the 33 states and territories that did not have reliable data to report. Hundreds of studies have advanced our knowledge of effective practices considerably, identified which individuals succeed optimally in the programs, and identified dozens of practices that improve outcomes significantly for the benefit of participants and society at large. The time is ripe to review what is known, what still needs to be learned, where drug courts and other problem-solving courts are, and where they need to be going. In addition, enlightening information is provided on the state of our profession as of December 31, 2014. Consider a few of the pressing issues: Drug courts and other problemsolving courts are growing at an impressive rate but still serve only a small percentage of individuals in dire need of their life-saving services. Abuse of pharmaceutical opioids is rising at an alarming pace and confronting treatment professionals with new challenges. Although most drug courts are achieving exceptional results, some programs (thankfully relatively few), notably many juvenile drug courts, appear to be serving the wrong target population and failing to apply evidence-based practices. Of greatest concern, African-American and Hispanic or Latino persons appear to be underrepresented in some drug courts relative to jail and prison populations, and are graduating at rates substantially below those of non-Hispanic Caucasians. Drug courts and other problem-solving courts have always led the way toward effective, humane, and equitable criminal justice reform. We cannot and will not be part of the problem, and we will not acquiesce or contribute to unfair disparities for underserved or disadvantaged groups, even when such disparities are unintended. There is little doubt our profession will rise to these challenges, because it always has. Excellence is the 10 price of admission to the drug court field, and the first steps toward excellence include honest selfappraisal, congratulations for a job well done, and plotting a course for greater things to come. Drug courts are special court dockets or calendars designed to treat individuals suffering from substance use disorders and give them the tools they need to change their lives. The drug court judge serves as the leader of a multidisciplinary team of professionals, which commonly includes a program coordinator, prosecuting attorney, defense attorney, probation or community supervision officer, treatment representatives, and law enforcement representative. The first drug courts were developed to serve adults charged with drug-related crimes. Eligible participants for these programs, which are referred to as adult drug courts, have a moderate-to-severe substance use disorder and are charged with a drug-related offense, such as possession or sale of a controlled substance, or another offense caused or influenced by drug use, such as theft or forgery to support a drug addiction. Most drug court curriculums are scheduled to be 12 to 24 months in duration; however, some participants may require substantially more time to satisfy criteria for successful discharge from the program. To be discharged successfully, participants must complete a regimen of substance use disorder treatment and other indicated services, demonstrate continuous abstinence from illicit drugs and alcohol for a substantial period of time (often 6 months or longer), remain arrest free, obey supervision conditions such as curfews, obtain employment or engage in other prosocial activities, pay applicable fines or fees, and complete community service or make restitution to victims. Participants undergo random weekly drug and alcohol testing and attend frequent status hearings in court during which the judge reviews their progress in treatment and may impose a range of consequences contingent upon their performance.

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